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For the moment it is impossible for him to send them, but as soon as possible, when the fair weather comes, he will send them off immediately. Mediterranean Historical Review Since the journey from Alexandria to Philadelphia took around 20 days see preceding letter , it seems that the letter arrived at Alexandria around 10 December with a ship that came from Rhodes. Conclusions Four open-sea routes are attested in written pre-Roman sources: The first ships that left Greece and Asia Minor for Egypt did so in February and the last of them in December; we have no evidence that this route was also used in January.
The route from Egypt to Greece was open from March to December; we have no evidence that this route was used in January and February. Most of the ships that sailed from Phoenicia to Egypt did so in the month of October and the rest in September and November.
The route from Egypt to Phoenicia was open from May to December. We have evidence of one other route: Wenamun sailed from Phoenicia to Cyprus between September and November. What evidence there is of coastal voyages suggests that the route from Ugarit to Ura was closed in the winter, but it maybe inferred from the Zenon papyri that for the right price 35 drachmas sailors could be persuaded to sail even in January.
At first glance it seems that theory does not coincide with practice. According to the theory, the sea was closed to navigation in the winter. The voyage of the letter sent by Sosipatros to Antimenes, which could have taken place in either February or March, is listed in both months. The voyage of the messenger of the king of Byblos,which could have taken place in either September or October, is listed in both months.
Tammuz exception of January, the sea was open to navigation throughout the year. The solution to this apparent contradiction is simple. There are two different kinds of navigation: Catastrophe could take two forms: The first of these can happen only near the shore while the second in open water as well.
Whereas an open-water journey is vulnerable to shipwreck only while entering or leaving a port, coastal navigation is vulnerable to shipwreck throughout the voyage. Three of the four dangers of winter as listed by Vegetius relate to coastal navigation alone.
All of them have to do with poor visibility, the consequence of which can be breaking up on the shore. In open water, poor visibility is not likely to put the safety of the ship at risk. Even the fourth danger — wind, rain, and snow — is much greater near the shore than in open water. Indeed, ancient mariners faced with heavy weather headed for open water, sometimes despite the pleas of their passengers.
While a journey in open water was relatively safe in summer and winter alike, coastal navigation was impossible in winter. Another Demosthenes, Against Dionysodorus shows beyond any doubt that the route between Rhodes to Egypt was open to navigation in summer and winter alike while the route from Rhodes to Athens was closed to navigation in winter. Other sources the customs account from Egypt and the Zenon papyri show that the route between Egypt and the Greek islands was open year-round.
Three sources the letter of the king of Tyre, the report of Wenamun, and the customs account supply evidence about the route between Egypt and Phoenicia. All are consistent with the assumption that sailing from Phoenicia to Egypt was possible only between late September and December. This is because this was the only time of the year in which there was sometimes a north wind, which was essential for ships sailing from Phoenicia to Egypt.
Therefore, ships that were based in Egypt sailed to Phoenicia in the summer as was the case in the Wenamun story so that they could sail back in late autumn or early winter. In contrast, ships that were based in Phoenicia sailed to Egypt in late autumn and early winter and returned as is evident from the Wenamun story and the customs account from Egypt in winter.
Cairo Zenon from the Greek. Casson's opinion is accepted by other scholars. The exception is sometimes attributed to the willingness of the Rhodian sailors to make the passage outside the normal sailing season: Skeat, The Zenon Archive, 76 n. Other scholars have reached more or less the same conclusion.
McCaslin concluded that 'no one in his right mind would sail in the winter when the stormy winds might blow any which way and when the heavy clouds would obscure the sky and thus hinder navigation'. McCaslin, Stone Anchors in Antiquity, Modern dates were added by the translator. This season is not mentioned explicitly, but since winter begins in mid-November and summer ends in early September it stands to reason that autumn is treated by Hesiod as a different season.
According to Pliny spring begins on 8 February, when the sun occupies the twenty-fifth degree of Aquarius see Rackham, Pliny, Another text, listed here as D, is a later?
A, RS These texts are transliterated and translated in Nougayrol, PRU 4, For a recent bibliography on these texts see Beckman, Hittite Diplomatic Texts, D RS See Lemaire, 'Ougarit, Oura et la Cilicie'. D repeats this phrase a second time, which is probably a dittography. D adds 'and men of Kutapa'. KTU is an abbreviation for Dietrich, Loretz, and Sanmartin, Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, which contains editions of all the Ugaritic texts that were known in See Tropper, 'Zur Grammatik der ugaritischen Omina', Tammuz 'Recherches ugarit', , translated it as 'Vaisseau solide', and Sasson, 'Canaanite Maritime Involvement', , translated it as 'merchant vessel'.
Many of the words in it appear only in this text. Because of this, translations of some lines are based on little more then guesswork. I have included some of the more plausible suggestions, but the discussion here is by no means exhaustive.
A full treatment was given by J. Cunchillos, 'Correspondance'. Dissenting views include Cunchillos, 'Correspondance', and n. Cunchillos, 'Correspondance', and n.
Among the dissenting views is Sivan, Grammar, For other suggestions see Sasson, 'Canaanite Maritime Involvement': Cunchillos is followed by Miller, 'Patterns of Verbal Ellipsis', Yon, 'The End of the Kingdom of Ugarit', These ships are described in detail as to their owner and their fittings or rather lack thereof , but nothing is said of their whereabouts see Malbran-Labat, 'Lists', no.
The fact that the ship proceeded to Acco from Tyre shows that it was on its way to Egypt. For an opposing view see Sass, 'Wenamun and His Levant'. For an opposing view see Sass, 'Wenamun and his Levant'. The Egyptian year is uniformly days long. Being about a quarter of a day shorter than the solar year, it wanders in relation to the latter see Depuyedt, 'On the Consistency of the Wandering Year'.
Leshem and Bahat, Flying with the Birds. T went off to the shore of the sea, to where the logs were lying. And I saw eleven ships that had come from the sea and belonged to the Tjeker who were saying: Let no ship of his leave for the land of Egypt! Then I sat down and wept. And the secretary of the prince came out to me and said to me: Look at them travelling to the cool water!
Until when shall I be left here? For do you not see those who have come to arrest me? A fundamentally different translation is suggested and defended by Egberts, 'The Chronology of Wenamun'. This theory is generally accepted see, e. Goedicke, 'The Report of Wenamun', 24, emends the text and translates: According to Lichtheim, C reads: Goedicke 24, 27 emends the text and translates: Within the month I reached Dor'.
For an exhaustive analysis see Briant and Descat, 'Un registre douanier'.
My suggestion that it means a large ship that arrived empty is based on the following considerations: The fact that this levy was added to the import tax suggests that it was not a tax, and I suggest that it was a payment for porters provided by the Persian authorities. An empty ship did not need the service of porters, and therefore did not have to pay this levy. Porten and Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents, , suggest 'silver of the men', but this is unlikely.
Porten and Yardeni, Textbook of Aramaic Documents, Tammuz  The sojourn in Egypt took between 7 and 26 days. Briant and Descat, cUn registre douanier', However, in most datable cases the sojourn took between 8 and 11 days. The record is damaged. Private Orations, Translated by Yulia Ustinova. Sailing in the Aegean, for example, is essentially coastal navigation. The route from Rome to Alexandria was an open-water route and therefore open for navigation in the winter Tacitus Histories 4.
The way back was much more difficult. A journey from Egypt to Rome always began with a crossing of the Mediterranean Sea from south to north towards the Greek islands or Asia Minor. This was an open-water route and therefore was open for navigation in winter Philonis In Flaccus; idem, Legatio ad gaium; Josephus Jewish Antiquities From there a ship headed for Rome would have turned west and proceeded under the restrictions of coastal navigation, which meant wintering in an anchorage along the way Acts Thus the route from Alexandria to Greece and Asia Minor was actually part of the route from Alexandria to Rome and therefore the evidence concerning it is connected to the evidence concerning the latter.
We lack, however, evidence on the opposite route, from Greece and Asia Minor to Alexandria. The route from Syria and Palestine to Rome and back was mainly a coastal navigation route with the possible exception of the passage from Brindisium to Greece, which was also attempted in winter [Plutarch Crassus 17]. As such, it was not used in winter Josephus Jewish War 2.
He knew that staying in Byblos in the autumn meant being stranded there until the next autumn. References Ashbel, D. Hebrew University, Ballard, R. Stager, D. Master, D. Yoerger, D. Mindell, L. Whitcomb, H. Singh, and D. American Journal of Archaeology Mediterranean Historical Review Beckman, G. Hittite Diplomatic Texts. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press, Braudel, F. New York: Harper and Row, Briant, P. In Le commerce en Egypte ancienne, edited by N. Grimal and B.
Casson, L. Ships and Seamanship in the Ancient World.
Princeton University Press, Cunchillos, J. In Textes ougaritiques, Vol. Caquote, J. Tarragon, and J.
Editions du Cerf, Depuyedt, L. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt 22 Revue des Etudes Latines 25 Dietrich, M. Bibliotheca Orientalis 23 Loretz, and J. Ugarit Forschungen 5 Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, einschliesslich der keilalphabetischen Texte ausserhalb Ugarits.
Neukirchener Verlag, Edgar, C. Zenon Papyri in the University ofMichigan Collection. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, Zenon Papyri Nos. Egberts, A. Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 17 FitzGerald, A. The Letters ofSynesius of Cyrene.
Oxford University Press, Goedicke, H. The Report of Wenamun. Johns Hopkins University, Gordon, C. Ugaritic Textbook. Pontifical Biblical Institute, Grieg, G. Magnes, Hoftijzer, J. Ugarit Forschungen 11 Isager, S. Odense University Press, Kitchen, K.
The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt Lefebvre, G. Chronique d'Egypte 11 Leshem, Y. Flying with the Birds.
Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University, Lemaire, A. Lichtheim, M. In The Context of Scripture, Vol. Hallo et al. Brill, Linder, E.
Lipinski, E. Syria 44 McCaslin, E. Stone Anchors in Antiquity: Paul Astrom, Malbran-Labat, F. In Une bibliotheque au sud de la ville: Les textes de la 34e campagne, edited by P. Ras Shamra-Ougarit 7. Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, In Une bibliotheque au sud de la village: Miller, C. Ugarit Forschungen 31 Tammuz Milner, N.
Epitome of Military Science. University of Liverpool Press, Murray, A. Private Orations It is beautiful now with the early sunshine of morning: it is as beautiful when the sky is pale and clear, just after sunset—a line of amber stretched across the west; and then, tall and shadowy, stands forth still more dis tinct the dark outline of those antique turrets.
But they are most beautiful of all in the moonlight, when the blue and transparent sky has not a cloud, and the vast building looks as if the shadow of tradition rested on its large and stately proportions. The foreground, too, is full of poetry—an open sweep, silvered by the moonlight; while the lamps afar off—pale and spiritual—fires fed invisibly—are repeated on the water with a wavering and subdued light.
The streets around so quiet, so solemn,—for the rest of life is, indeed, a solemn thing,—time itself seems to stand still in such a midnight. But with the glad morning I began, and to that I return. Yet it was on such a one as I have been describing,—a soft, bright, autumnal morn, when the last glow of that rich season seems upon the air,—that I witnessed one of those affecting scenes which rise upon the memory oftener than its own more immediate regrets. Perhaps it is a benevolent provision of Nature that we remember more what touches than what pains us.
We were loitering down the sunny side of the street, when suddenly the sound of bugles came upon the air, and a party of soldiers crossed our path, carrying the coffin of one of their comrades. The air played was that mournful Scotch melody, "The Land of the Leal. We heard the service read, and waited till the volley was fired over the grave. I never saw that churchyard again till the other day. It is the most rural-looking one in all the metropolis.
You approach it by a little green, and the gate is sheltered by one or two old trees.